At 1 o'clock last
night we were aroused by guards shouting "Get out o'har, you'uns, in five
minutes to take ca's for Richmond," punching us through the fence with
bayonets, others coming through and kicking those who had not arisen, driving
us out like a pack of hogs. It was evident, by the dialect, we had changed
guards. Though much confusion and hurry followed, it was an hour before we
moved to the train, and when aboard we stayed till daylight. They were box
cars, so crammed we had to stand. At daylight officers ordered tents and
blankets thrown out. The guard in our car repeated the order aloud, then
whispered "Hide them." Some were thrown off and the train moved.
The landscape was
beautiful, clothing herself in robes of spring. Morning delightful, a sweet
air, the sun shed its rays on the land and spake peace to every heart. Nature
was heavenly, her voice is ever, "Man be true to thyself;" the same
in war and in peace, to the rich, the poor, the high, the low. Oh, could we be
like her! "Only man is vile."
As we approached
Gordonsville we saw the heights, fortifications and the southwest mountains. In
seven miles we are there. They marched us into a lot, searched us and
registered our names. Before being searched I sold my rubber blanket for $5.00,
Confederate money, to a guard. While going to the house to be searched I cut my
tent into strips, feeling sure it would not aid and abet a Reb and bought bread
of a woman, having nothing to eat. They took blankets, tents, knives, paper,
envelopes, gold pens, razors and other things. Money was generally taken care
of, but some was taken. My money I had tucked into the quilted lining of my
dress coat. Many of us had nothing left to put over or under us; this was my
case. All I had was my clothing, portfolio containing blank paper, envelopes, a
few photos and a partly written diary, pencils and pens, which they took from
me, but I prevailed upon the officer searching me to return them, for which I
thanked him.
Searching over, we
took another part of the field near some houses. There were some citizens, one
from North Carolina who inquired particularly about Northern affairs. The
coming presidential election is the rage among soldiers and citizens. They
believe it will effect the interests of the South. Prejudice and pride are the
levers by which the Southern mass have been moved. Through these the Southern
heart has been fired by the ruling class. Their eager enthusiasm over prospects
of realizing the hope of the permanent adoption of their absurd theory about Southern
civilization and scheme of empire with slavery as the cornerstone, is evidently
waning. Our side of the story was new. They seemed to doubt the soundness of
the old doctrine of Southern extremists, hence desired the triumph of the
"conservative" party north more because leaders favored it than for a
real understanding of the matter. They had had no idea of taking up with the
seceded States, had they been able to maintain their armies along border
States, or quarter them in the heart of the North.
Their motto was
"All the South must be given up along the Southern to the Western coasts,
and all slave States. Picturing the inconsistency of their demands, the
improbability of their being yielded, made them look sober. They had supposed
the North cared nothing for the Union worth fighting for, and as the Democratic
party never opposed slavery, should it rise to power the war would cease and
all disputes would be settled by treaty. A soldier of prominence said the mere
existence of slavery led on our armies; that if we had the power to abolish
slavery we would acknowledge the South.
Then came the usual
tirade about disregarded Southern rights contented negroes, their unfitness for
liberty. This summary of sentiment, be it true or false, sways the mass, fills
the ranks and yields supplies. Yet it is noticable that the mass admit a belief
that slavery is wrong, a weak system of labor; but that there was no other
system for the South and what would the North do without it? They assumed that
Northern commerce and industry depended upon slavery; that the climate is
against white industry, white men being unable to endure labor; to which we
replied by reminding them of the ability of both Southern and Northern white
men to endure the hardships of war in the South.
These people had
little knowledge of the character of the North, the value of the Union and the
nature of the general government. It was noticable how frankly they admitted
the cohabitation of some masters with slaves, or white with black, as more
prevalent than is generally supposed, a fact that is evident by looking over
the yellow complexioned slave population of Virginia. This intimation was
offset by repeating the Jeff Davis calumnies uttered in one of his noted
senatorial speeches of the degraded and wicked state of Northern society, and
elicited this sentence: "Right or wrong it is the South's business,"
which came so hotly as to suggest danger.
One of the older
citizens said: "Young man, you exercise more liberty of speech than is
allowed in this country," which I conceded to be true and begged his
pardon.
They do not see that
when they forced slavery into a national territory and demanded its protection
in Northern communities, it was the North's business. Much of present belief is
new. There is a portion of the older class contiguous to the days of Washington
and Jefferson, who entertain different sentiments politically and socially.
Beliefs, as well as physical wants in the mass, conform to circumstances
nearest the mind. We held that originally the negro question was incidental,
but modernly became the cause of all difference; the grand issue being free
government and the maintenance of the Union the best means to that end. Without
slavery this issue would not have occurred.
An old man said he
had always loved the Union, but had given it up; if the country could be
restored to peace in the Union he would be glad, but he should not live to see
it, "neither will you, young man," said he. It is a fact that the
privileged youth of the South, wealthier and more favored, I mean, are stronger
secessionists and more luminous in their ideas of empire than those whose days
reach to the earlier period of the republic, because State rights, which always
means slavery, have been the cause of the prevailing mania for a generation.
Older citizens have been deposed, practically. Young men who have political
views are invariably of the Southern Rights school, disciples of Calhoun and
Yancey, who taught the new civilization with slavery as the cornerstone.
These young nabobs
look us over as if surprised at our near resemblance to themselves and
innocently inquire, "Do you think the nigger as good as the white man? Do
you expect to reduce us to the level of the nigger?"
As to those who
claim no right to know anything about politics they are like the old lady and
daughters whose house I visited near Culpepper, Va.: They wanted the war to end
and "don't care a plaguey bit how."
We lay at
Gordonsville all day and night between the embankments of the railroad. Here I
got my first sesech paper; it gave meager accounts of battles, stated that a
force was within two miles of Petersburg and Richmond.
Wrote a letter to be
sent home which a citizen said he would put in the office. About a hundred
rations of hard bread and beef was issued to 700. I got none. A train of
wounded Confederates came down from the Wilderness battlefield bound for
Charlotteville; Gen. Longstreet on board. I climbed into the car and got a look
at Longstreet as he lay bolstered up on his stretcher.
SOURCE: John Worrell
Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville
and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 38-40
